Continued from Part 1.
MOSOP: NON-VIOLENCE AS INNOVATION
MOSOP’s decision to confront the slick alliance of Shell and Nigeria’s military dictatorship through non-violent struggle was well-considered and accepted notwithstanding that the MOSOP leadership was fully aware that in non-violent struggle more people die than in armed struggle. MOSOP was also aware that it could easily have targeted the economic installations in Ogoni to the detriment of the Nigerian economy, had it wanted to adopt violent means.
However, MOSOP was intent on breaking new ground in the struggle for democracy and political, economic, social and environmental rights in Africa. We believe that mass-based, disciplined organizations can successfully re-vitalize moribund societies and that relying upon their ancient values, mores and cultures, such societies can successfully re-establish themselves as self-reliant communities and at the same time successfully and peacefully challenge tyrannical governments.
MOSOP also believes that debt-ridden, morally-bankrupt Nigeria must be a federation of equal ethnic groups, irrespective of size, with each group being free to control its resources and environment and exercise its political right to rule itself according to its genius.
MOSOP, therefore, had a firm philosophical base and proceeded to translate its vision into reality by the formation of the organizations through which it could get to different strata of Ogoni society. The decision to form different organizations was not arrived at without debate. Those who wanted MOSOP to be an organization with direct individual membership, without the discipline of membership of other organizations were worsted in the debate and the majority decision prevailed.
The National Youth Council of Ogoni People (NYCOP), the Federation of Ogoni Women’s Associations (FOWA), the Conference of Ogoni Traditional Rulers (COTRA), the Council of Ogoni Churches (COC), the Ogoni Teachers Union (OTU), the National Union of Ogoni Students (NUOS), Ogoni Students Union (OSU), Ogoni Central Union (OCU) and the Council of Ogoni Professionals (COP) were formed at the instance of their members and affiliated to MOSOP. It was mandatory for each affiliate organization to operate branches in all Ogoni villages and in each of the six Ogoni kingdoms. All decisions of the bodies were to be arrived at democratically. All affiliate organizations are represented at the decision-making level of MOSOP.
Thus, MOSOP as an umbrella organization was and is a very democratic outfit. Its decisions are taken after full discussions which emanate from the grassroots. Decisions are also quickly to the grassroots. This explains the effectiveness of MOSOP. MOSOP empowered the Ogoni people and destroyed the culture of subservience to a few men who derive their power and influence from the Nigerian government, whether military or civilian, and often use that power to denigrate the people. It is thus an innovation in Africa. There is no question of any one individual or a few individuals being able to impose themselves or their desires on MOSOP.
To underline its non-violent nature, MOSOP’s first task was to register the Ogoni people with the Hague-based Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) whose charter enjoins non-violence on all members.
Apart from the mammoth protest march of January 4, 1993, MOSOP successfully organized a “Survival Fund” to which every Ogoni man, woman and child contributed pennies, as a mark of commitment. MOSOP also successfully held a national vigil on 13th March, 1993. And it also organized a successful boycott of elections. Thus, the organization relies strictly on the traditional tools of non-violent struggle in promoting its cause.
CONFLICT
Conflict was built into the opposites of the violent alliance of Shell and the Nigerian military dictatorship on the one hand and the non-violent MOSOP on the other hand.
AFTER THE PROTEST MARCH
Shortly after the protest march of January 4, 1993, executives of Shell Nigeria and Shell International held an important meeting in Rotterdam and London. The minutes of that meeting held in February 993 confirm that Shell accepted that “the main thrust of the (Ogoni) activists now seems to be directed at achieving recognition of the problems of the oil-producing areas BY USING THE MEDIA AND PRESSURE GROUPS (capitals mine).” And it decided that Shell Nigeria and Shell International should “Keep each other more closely informed to ensure that movements of key players (read, Ken Saro-Wiwa), what they say and to whom is more effectively monitored to avoid unpleasant surprises and adversely affect the reputation of the group (Shell) as a whole.”
Shell followed this declaration of war against the Ogoni and their leaders by stating publicly that it had withdrawn from Ogoni because of hostility to its activities. But this was a lie. What Shell called hostility were mere words that expressed facts. And Shell did not feel threatened enough to stop working in the area.
Shell’s contractor, Wilbros, were laying pipelines through the heart of Ogoni at the time and continued to do so until 30th April when farmers in the village of Biara came out to protest the bulldozing of newly-planted crops, the non-payment of compensation, and the failure to do an environmental impact assessment study on the project as stipulated by Nigerian law. Shell did not hesitate to ask soldiers of the Nigerian Army whom it had hired to guard the Wilbros workers to shoot at the unarmed protesters who only held palm branches. One man was killed and eleven others received gunshot wounds. A mother of five, Mrs. Karalolo Korgbara, was shot and had her left arm amputated at MOSOP’s cost.
Shell’s oilfields in Ogoni continued to produce after this date, although Shell alleges that it had pulled out of the area. In any case, Shell workers, as a rule, only pay occasional visits to their Ogoni oilfields since the wells are generally on automatic. These fields were later reported by Shell to have “closed in” of themselves since they were not being serviced.
The shootings of 30th April 1993 angered the Ogoni masses in the extreme and there was a spontaneous demonstration against Shell, Wilbros and the Nigerian Army by the people. The MOSOP Steering Committee despatched me, Ledum Mitee and the late Chief Edward Kobani to appease the demonstrators. Denied access to Rivers State radio, we sent circulars to all Ogoni villages and followed it up with visits to three Ogoni centres where we spoke to calm frayed nerves. Calm was immediately restored.
Shell, thereafter in a letter to Governor Ada-George of Rivers State, appealed for “the usual assistance to enable it resume construction of the pipeline.” Thus, Shell cannot deny responsibility for the violence which the government later visited on the Ogoni people.
THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP
For its part, the Babangida dictatorship made half-hearted attempts to speak with the Ogoni leadership. The Inspector-General of Police invited Ogoni leaders for discussions early in January, 1993 but nothing came of the parley. In February, the leaders were guests of the State Secruity Service headquarters at Abuja where the riot act was read out to them. And after the shootings and death of April 30, they were once again invited to Abuja, this time to meet with the highest level of authority, short of General Babangida himself. Present at the meeting were Major-General Aliyu Mohammed, National Security Adviser, Brigadier-General Ali Akilu, Director of the National Intelligence Agency, and Alhaji Aliyu Mohammed, secretary to the Federal Military Government.
Before this meeting, which took place in the 7th of May, the Federal Government had promulgated a new draconian decree — the Treason and Treasonable Felony Decree, 1993 — which left no one in doubt as to whom it was aimed at — the Ogoni people in general and Ken Saro-Wiwa in particular.
At the meeting, the Ogoni delegation which consisted of late A.T. Badey, late Chief E.N. Kobani, Dr. G.B. Leton and Ken Saro-Wiwa, was instructed to detail the Ogoni demands and produce a list of unemployed Ogoni youths as well as a summary of the treatment of oil-bearing areas in different parts of the world. Another meeting would be fixed once these details were submitted. In the meantime, it was stressed by the authorities, there should be no confrontational activity on the part of MOSOP and the Ogoni people. A special appeal was made by the Director-General of the SSS for the construction of the Shell pipeline to resume.
This is not the end of this statement. Due to the length of the statement, we have decided to publish it in series. Parts 3, 4, 5, and 6 will be published in due course. Please keep an eye on this page.
OGONI HEROES’ DAY: CALL FOR ARTICLE SUBMISSION!!!
We are now calling on all Ogoni writers and intellectuals to submit their papers/articles about the Ogoni 9, the struggle and the way forward for Ogoni in preparation for November 10th. Tell the world what actually happened between 1990 and 1995 and even events that occurred before, during and after oil exploration and exploitation in Ogoniland. Your articles will be featured on our news website free of charge and we will ensure they (articles) get to the right audience at the right time. All articles should be submitted to ogoni9@huraclub.org on/before Nov. 9th 2013 or click here to submit online. For further enquiries about article submission, concern about this advert, or to contact HURAC, please write to enquiry@huraclub.org or contact us by clicking this link (Opens in new window).